In the aftermath of the 2024 Austrian parliamentary elections, Herbert Kickl and his Freedom organization of Austria (FPÖ) emerged as clear victors, with 28.8 per cent its best consequence in organization history. However, the party’s pro-Russian ties, highlighted by a 2016 “friendship agreement” with Vladimir Putin’s United Russia party, sparked crucial controversy.
In response, president Alexander Van der Bellen urged the conservative ÖVP, which finished in second place with 26.3 per cent (37.5 per cent in 2019), to form a coalition government. After months of negotiations with the Neoliberal and Socialist parties, these talks yet broke down, leaving Kickl and the FPÖ to prosecute their political agenda independently. They are now engaging in discussions with the newly-appointed ÖVP leader, Christian Stocker, known for his right-leaning geopolitical stance.
Austria’s now erstwhile abroad minister, Alexander Schallenberg (ÖVP), expressed concerns over Kickl’s leadership in state news, labelling him a “security risk” for Austria due to the FPÖ’s perceived alignment with Moscow. He besides acknowledged the country’s prior “naivety” in its dealings with Russia, noting that the invasion of Ukraine marked a fundamental shift in Austrian abroad policy.
As Kickl takes on the function of Chancellor, Austria finds itself embroiled in a wider debate over his party’s relation with Russia and its implications for the country’s safety and global standing. Adding to these concerns, Peter Gridling, the erstwhile head of Austria’s home intelligence agency (BVT), warned that the FPÖ’s ties to Russia could destabilize Austria’s safety infrastructure and erode global cooperation.
Austria’s safety dilemma under FPÖ leadership
The Freedom organization of Austria (FPÖ) has faced ongoing criticism since the early 1990s for its close ties to Moscow. While any within the organization downplay these connections, there is clear evidence of ongoing cooperation, admiration and shared goals with the Kremlin.
Herbert Kickl, the organization leader, powerfully denies being pro-Russia. He describes the FPÖ’s stance in a press conference as “there is no Russia proximity, just a neutral proximity”, aligning with Austria’s constitutional neutrality and non-NATO status. He further argues that his opposition to EU sanctions and NATO is based on economical reasons, not ideological alignment.
However, Kickl’s time as Austria’s interior minister from 2017 to 2019 was littered with controversies. 1 of the most crucial incidents was an illegal raid on the BVT. Afterwards, it was revealed that erstwhile worker Egisto Ott shared classified information with FPÖ officials, including the parliament associate Hans-Jörg Jenewein. This led to manipulated parliamentary oversight, with Ott allegedly drafting questions for FPÖ members, blurring the line between legitimate political activities and espionage.
Furthermore, investigations in 2021 revealed that Ott, who had links to the Wirecard scandal, offered Jenewein a lobbying position after leaving parliament. Jan Marsalek, the erstwhile Wirecard executive wanted internationally for financial crime, is said to have utilized his FPÖ connections for political cover and to engage in intelligence activities involving Russia. Most troubling of all is the claim that Ott passed delicate information to Russian interests, including the expression for the Novichok nerve agent, which he allegedly shared with Marsalek.
From Ibiza to Moscow: the deepening ties between the FPÖ and Russia
In 2019 Kickl himself visited Moscow, where he met Russian officials to discuss counterterrorism and migration, further strengthening the FPÖ’s ties with the Kremlin. During this visit, Kickl was given a ceremonial naval dagger, which he later took as his own individual property. This raised further questions about his relation with Russia, peculiarly due to the FPÖ’s frequent visits to Moscow and the signing of a “friendship agreement” with Vladimir Putin’s United Russia organization in 2016. In his biography, author Gernot Bauer claims “There hasn’t been any contact between Kickl and Russia. He’s not curious in abroad politics.”
Controversial incidents, specified as the “Ibiza Scandal” in late May 2019, further underscore the FPÖ’s political and individual connections to Russia. In the video, Kickl’s precursor as FPÖ leader, Heinz-Christian Strache, was seen offering state contracts in exchange for run support from a expected Russian oligarch’s niece. Strache’s dealings with Russian oligarchs and his facilitation of meetings between Austrian companies and Russian business figures bypassed authoritative diplomatic channels, suggesting a readiness to engage in unofficial diplomacy. Following the video’s release, mass protests erupted, calling for his resignation, which yet led to the collapse of the government, fresh elections, and months of parliamentary investigations.
The most prominent figure in the FPÖ’s pro-Russia stance is Karin Kneissl, the erstwhile Austrian abroad minister. In 2018, she invited Putin to her wedding, where she danced with him and curtsied, sparking crucial global backlash. Kneissl’s ties to Russia go beyond this event – she worked as a diplomat, served as a guest author for Russia’s state-run RT, and was on the board of Rosneft until 2022. She besides participated in a Russian-organized UN safety Council session and echoed Moscow’s talking points. Kneissl has praised Putin, calling him in an interview with BBC “the most intelligent gentleman, with an emphasis on gentleman, and I have met a few”. In 2022, she moved to St. Petersburg, describing herself as a “political refugee”, and became president of the Gorki think tank, which aligns with Kremlin interests. She has denied experiencing political repression in Russia and dismissed allegations of being a Russian spy as “only dirty fantasies”.
Austria’s future amidst Kickl’s pro-Russian policies
Herbert Kickl’s criticism of the European Union and Austria’s support for Ukraine challenges Vienna’s standing within European safety frameworks. His opposition to sanctions and military supplies for Ukraine aligns with the broader nationalist, anti-EU movements seen in Hungary and Slovakia, where right-wing governments prioritize national interests over European unity.
If his views gain broader political traction, Austria risks becoming isolated from key alliances, possibly emerging as an outlier in European safety discussions. The infamous BVT raid, which damaged the reputation of Austria’s home intelligence agency, highlights how specified actions can erode trust and hinder global cooperation. These concerns have already in the past led to Austria’s temporary exclusion from intelligence-sharing networks.
Austrian citizens anticipate their government to act in their best interests, but the FPÖ’s ties to Russia and engagement in espionage have raised doubts about the party’s ability to guarantee national security. Kickl’s ongoing connections to the Kremlin, along with engagement with Russian oligarchs and ultranationalists, deepen fears about the FPÖ’s function in shaping Austria’s political trajectory, peculiarly jeopardizing democratic institutions and ruining relationships with its another allies. After all, Kneissl commented in an interview with the Austrian pro-Russian YouTube channel House of the Poet that “there is no space for totalitarian reasoning in Russian heads, but adequate in Central European ones.”
Viktoria Rybicki is presently finishing her global Erasmus Mundus Master’s degree in Central & East European Studies, focusing on populism and memory culture. She is an intern at New east Europe and the Galicia judaic Museum in Kraków, and besides working as a freelance writer for the University of Vienna magazine. She enjoys learning and teaching languages, as well as playing the piano and violin in her free time.
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